Torn between Russia and the West, Ukraine must make crucial choice

Author (Person)
Series Title
Series Details Vol.10, No.28, 29.7.04
Publication Date 29/07/2004
Content Type

By Wieslaw Horabik

Date: 29/07/04

TALK of integrating Ukraine with the EU just after the Union has enlarged by ten countries might sound irresponsible. A Russian political dissident once said that there were two possible ways of destroying the Communist Party: either by making all citizens become its members or nobody.

One might ask whether Ukraine, with 50 million inhabitants, a deprived infrastructure, a poor human rights record and generalized corruption, would be the Union's Waterloo.

But as Turkey is set to receive a green light for starting EU membership talks, many ask why Ukraine should be denied such a prospect.

"At least Ukraine does not offer us burning borders with Syria, Iran and Iraq," observes Janusz Onyszkiewicz, an MEP and a former Polish defence minister.

For numerous Ukrainian intellectuals, the alliance with the West is a decisive factor in their country's future. They say that only integration in NATO and the EU will guarantee their country's independence.

But opinion polls indicate that 60% of the population support closer relations with Russia and only 30% are for more links with the EU. Sociologists from Kiev say that such surveys are unreliable. They cite as an example an experimental poll on integration with NATO. When asked if they approved of their country's membership of NATO only 17% of Ukrainians answered "Yes", but when asked whether it should join the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, 58% agreed. The short name stirred up bad connotations from the time of Soviet anti-NATO propaganda, while the full name of the Alliance inspired more trust.

The EU has already invested significant amounts of money and effort in bilateral contacts with Ukraine. The Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, which entered into force in 1998, led to an intensification of trade, political dialogue and increased EU assistance. The Union has allocated more than €1 billion to Ukraine since 1991. Kiev was also assigned credits from EURATOM for the modernization of its nuclear power plants in Chmielnitzky and Rovne, as well as funds from the TACIS programme for former Soviet Union countries. The volume of trade between Ukraine and the EU has increased in the last two years by 25%.

In November 2002, the Highest Council of Ukraine adopted a bill on the harmonization of the country's laws with EU legislation. Appropriate units were established in almost all ministries and considerable progress was made in competition, financial services, banking and intellectual property rights. But recently this process has lost its momentum. The Ukrainian minister for European integration resigned, claiming there was no work for him to do.

But enthusiasm for joining the EU remains steady in some circles.

"We know that this process will take years," says Oles Starovoit, editor of Lvovska Gazeta. "Ukraine is not ready for accession. The fact that Brussels is so cautious as to clear declarations on deadlines is an example of political wisdom."

In many areas the Ukrainian government has done its homework. A 2003 report on the implementation of the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement says: "Ukraine has made considerable progress towards implementation of market economy principles and norms.

Both sides welcome the reform efforts so far made, but recognize that there are a number of elements still to be implemented (among them finalization of tax reform and large-scale privatization)."

However, the country's record on the freedom of expression is controversial. Citizens have a limited access to free media. Cable television is still at a nascent stage, it is expensive and operates only in large cities. The inhabitants of villages and small towns are only watching public television, controlled by the government.

But the true thorn in Ukraine's side is the visa regime.

"Due to this bloody Schengen we've been cut off from Europe," says Andrij Parlyshyn, a journalist from Lvov. The recent sealing of borders with neighbouring countries which joined the EU has a huge impact on cross- border trade and inhibits cooperation in economy, culture and tourism.

Crowds of people mill around the Polish consulates and the Polish Embassy in Kiev. Since the implementation of the provisions of the Schengen treaties in January, which required new member states to impose visas on Ukrainians, the Polish consulate in Lvov alone has issued 170,000 visas to those wanting to travel west.

The country is still strongly dependent on cooperation with Moscow and three months ago it signed an agreement on intensifying economic contacts with the Russian Federation. Some diplomats accuse Kiev of officially supporting closer relations with the West while in practice strengthening the ties with the East.

The crucial question is whether Ukrainians truly want their country to get closer to the EU. The answer may come as soon as October, when they vote to elect a new president.

Tempted on the one hand by Russia with the vision of profitable coexistence and on the other hand kept by the EU in limbo as to the prospects of accession, Ukrainians will make a decision with far-reaching consequences for the whole region.

Observers say that the victory of the opposition leader Victor Yushchenko would mean deepening contacts with the West, while his failure could signify maintaining the status quo or turning towards Moscow.

  • Wieslaw Horabik is a Polish freelance journalist.

Major feature on Ukraine and its relations with the European Union.

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Related Links
http://www.eeas.europa.eu/ukraine/index_en.htm http://www.eeas.europa.eu/ukraine/index_en.htm
http://www.ukraine-eu.mfa.gov.ua/cgi-bin/valmenu_miss.sh?1p0103.html http://www.ukraine-eu.mfa.gov.ua/cgi-bin/valmenu_miss.sh?1p0103.html

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