The referendum in the Netherlands. Dutch nees up

Series Title
Series Details No.8429, 4.6.05
Publication Date 04/06/2005
ISSN 0013-0613
Content Type ,

An even bigger no than in France fosters talk of more referendums in future

IT WAS enough to make many Dutch politicians nostalgic for the previous 200 years, when no national referendums were held in the Netherlands. Soon after the polls had closed on June 1st, it became clear that, in a high turnout, voters had rejected the EU constitution by a whopping 62-38%, an even bigger no than in France three days earlier. But the rejection is unlikely to produce big political changes - beyond making the country's already insecure political class even less secure.

As in France, the Dutch no vote was fuelled by a strong anti-establishment feeling. The EU has long been a reserve for professional politicians. Dramatic changes - the euro, the accession of ten new members, the decision to start entry talks with Turkey - were made at the top and presented as faits accomplis. The Dutch no vote seems to have been more about this way of doing business than about hostility to the European project as such. Many no voters said they were pro-European, but feared that small countries were losing influence in an EU dominated by bigger ones. Some hoped that the no vote would improve debate on European issues.

The vote was also a reaction to fears of losing two things the Dutch hold dear: sound money and liberal social policies. The euro is widely blamed for inflating the cost of living. And liberal Dutch voters fret that a more conservative EU might interfere with policies on soft drugs, gay marriage and euthanasia. Fears of losing control of immigration policy played a role, as did hostility to possible Turkish membership and resentment over big Dutch payments to the EU budget. Some no voters were also inspired by the government's aloof yes campaign. The voters were angered by fear-mongering and disdain, as politicians interleaved warnings of economic collapse or even war with references to no voters as uninformed or ignorant. Even this botched campaign was conducted half-heartedly.

The EU constitution may now be dead, but the Dutch government will live on. The prime minister, Jan Peter Balkenende, said in advance that a no vote would not be a reason for his government to step down. The complex political construction that holds Dutch coalitions together means that ministers seldom step down.

The Dutch referendum is only consultative, but after a turnout of 63%, the main parties have said they will follow voters' wishes. The result surely makes a second vote implausible. Meanwhile the Dutch public is digesting the experience of its first serious debate on Europe. This has already had one side-effect: for the first time, many in parliament favour the notion that referendums, which were to have been discarded altogether in 2006, should become more prominent in Dutch politics. Some even suggest they should become binding.

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