The Hague’s awkward customer

Date: 09/04/1998

Tim Jones talks to Dutch politician Frits Bolkestein, who reveals his readiness to take a firm stand on EU issues if the Netherlands' voters give his VVD party their support in the country's elections next month

FRITS Bolkestein is unusual for a Dutch politician. In a country where political charisma is felt to be uncouth or even demagogic, the leader of the Volkspartij voor Vrijheid en Democratie (VVD) stands alone in his willingness to cause trouble.

This former jet-setting executive at oil giant Royal Dutch/Shell entered parliament in 1976, and served in the trade and defence ministries in the Eighties. After he took over the liberal VVD seven years ago, Bolkestein immediately created a stir when he challenged the prevailing Euro-federalism within the party, warning that the Netherlands could end up as the equivalent of Bavaria within Germany.

Last year, he skilfully played the 'race card' by wondering aloud whether immigrants should be obliged to learn Dutch and, as the 6 May election approaches this year, he has sounded sceptical notes about joining a single currency club which would have Italy as a member.

On this issue, Bolkestein's fears have been allayed by Italy's progress in reducing its budget deficit and mountain of public debt and, above all, by the VVD's senior-ranking cabinet member, Finance Minister Gerrit Zalm.

"There is no difference of opinion between Mr Zalm and me," says Bolkestein. "We have looked with particular care and attention at the Italian figures. While they have made considerable strides, creative bookkeeping is not foreign to the people in Rome. About two percentage points of the reduction in the deficit is owing to a lower rate of interest, which is very nice for all concerned, but does not point to a fundamental improvement in the financial situation.

"Fortunately, Mr Zalm has been able to extract some extra promises and my government's opinion is that provided there is sufficient parliamentary approval for this extra package of measures, then the Italians deserve the benefit of the doubt," concludes Bolkestein.

Zalm could never speak as openly as this about such a sensitive issue, and that is the whole point. When the VVD formed a 'purple cabinet' with the centrist D'66 and the Labour Party (PvdA) four years ago, Bolkestein could have had his pick of ministerial jobs. He chose instead to stay outside the government.

"The risk in any coalition cabinet for the junior partner is loss of identity," he says. "That happened to us in the Eighties and it is happening now to D'66, who are being hammered in the polls. Staying in the House has allowed me to speak up for my party within the confines of the coalition agreement."

At the moment, the opinion polls put Labour Prime Minister Wim Kok ahead of Bolkestein, but nobody will write off the 65-year-old Amsterdammer until the last vote is counted.

"I'm still not certain I want to join the cabinet," he says. "I may well stay behind in the House again. I want to see the outcome of the elections first. Of course, if my party does become the biggest, then that throws a different light on the whole situation."

Bolkestein is known for his keen interest in foreign policy and EU affairs and could, say observers, be tempted into the job now held by Hans van Mierlo.

Speaking in his parliamentary office in The Hague, Bolkestein suggests that he would be an awkward customer in the European political field, whether he replaced Kok or Van Mierlo.

The Dutch authorities have long had strong views in favour of free trade, macroeconomic orthodoxy and tight control of the Union's 80-billion-ecu annual budget, but Bolkestein feels they have sometimes been loath to fight for them.

"Look at the Spanish approach over fishing or over the budget in Edinburgh. It was their way or nothing," he says. "I am reticent about using the word 'veto', but what the Spanish can do, the Dutch ought to be able to do. In the past, we have been quite idealistic about all this, always taking the communautaire approach. But, as the Dutch say, we cannot afford to let other member states eat the cheese off our bread."

He believes that such an approach will become more and more important as the EU enlarges into central and eastern Europe, and the vision which inspired the European Community's founding fathers fades away.

"Take the Poles and the Czechs. They are not at all federalist," he says. "They've had 40 years of supranational rule and they are not likely to relinquish the freedom they are now enjoying. They will join the EU for the advantages it offers them. One would search in vain for the idealism which inspired Adenauer, Schuman and De Gasperi and which is still prevalent in this country, among the new members. They will do it for the cash, and that's fair enough."

In this climate, The Hague will have to stand firm in key areas of self-interest. Chief among these will be the amount contributed by the Netherlands to the EU budget, estimated by the government to be the highest net sum per head of population in the Union.

"I don't see why a country which is number eight in the EU in terms of wealth should be the number one contributor," says Bolkestein, calling for an extension of the special budgetary rebate which has been paid to the UK for the past 14 years to all overburdened nations. "I won't say, like Margaret Thatcher, that I want my money back. But I do want to see some equity in this matter."

In this new period of self-interest, Bolkestein believes member states should start to take the principle of subsidiarity - that decisions in the Union should be taken at the lowest appropriate tier of government - seriously. "I feel that the people in Brussels have played fast and loose with the subsidiarity principle for too long," he says.

"If I have anything to do with it, I would want to observe that principle very strictly. After EMU, I think the whole matter of immigration, asylum-seeking and visa policy should be centralised and the European Commission should be in the driving seat, but then I don't see the need for integration to go much further."

Bolkestein was incensed by the recent decision of the Commission and health ministers to introduce a ban on tobacco advertising throughout the Union.

"It's nonsense because we subsidise Greek tobacco, the quality of which is such that it can only be sold in eastern Europe and Russia, to the tune of ten times its value and then we outlaw tobacco advertising. Apart from this practical objection, it's simply got nothing to do with them," he insists.

Underlying this is a deeper-seated fear. "The bureaucratisation of the world is a great danger," he warns. "I would like to set clear limits on the Brussels bureaucracy so that it only does what is strictly necessary."

We will know within weeks whether Frits Bolkestein will be in a position to do that.

Interview with Dutch political leader Frits Bolkestein.