Spain and its regions: Asking for more

Date: 29/03/03

Now Catalonia joins the queue

HOW far can you stretch Spain's constitution before it breaks? Drawn up in the late 1970s in reaction against 40 years of centralist dictatorship, it already devolves wide powers to the country's 17 regions. Now they want more; too much more, say alarmed centralists and plain patriots. And this week Catalonia - number two (after Andalusia) in population, number one in real significance, think its citizens - spelled out its notions of just how much more.

The central government already faces separatist terrorism in the Basque region, and the government there campaigns, non-violently, to break away from Spain in favour of “association”. In Galicia, Spain's north-western corner, the local “nationalists” - ie, regionalists - are gaining ground, aided by the incompetence of the regional and central governments alike (both run by the People's Party) in handling an oil-slick disaster last autumn. And now Catalonia.

The region, with its 6.3m people and the great city of Barcelona, is Spain's industrial heart. It has been run for decades by Jordi Pujol, boss - that's the right word - of a “nationalist” but non-separatist coalition of parties known jointly as Convergence and Union (CiU). He has pushed the Catalan language, and has fought Madrid over various issues. But he has made no real trouble, in part, recently, because he needs People's Party help to control the Catalan parliament. Now, though, he is to retire, and his chosen heir, Artur Mas, facing a regional election - and defeat, say the polls - this autumn, has turned up the heat.

A CiU plan for reform of the region's constitution, presaged a year ago and leaked in final form this week, “recognises” the Spanish state as a fact, but affirms the “right to self-determination”. It would give the Catalan flag “pre-eminence” there; declares it the “duty” of all Catalans to know their language; wants direct Catalan representation in European Union bodies (and bodies like UNESCO, and international sport); sole control of immigration, transport infrastructure and telecoms regulation; the management and collection of all taxes, even central ones; and much else.

Separatism this is not, but it would put Catalonia at least on a par with today's Basque region - and look where some Basques want to be tomorrow.

Even so, why bother? The CiU may well lose power to Catalonia's Socialists, and when their leader, Pasqual Maragall, this week presented his plan for constitutional reform, he went much less far. Yes, but he still wants more. And to form a government he may well need the aid of a small but rising Catalan party that wants the lot: a free state associated with Spain.

Catalans are not natural separatists. But these are straws in the wind, recalling a long history of days when they were: the CiU meeting next week to approve Mr Mas's plan will be held in Cardona, the last town to fall to the troops of the Spanish king, Philip V, in 1714.

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