| Author (Person) | Davies, Eric | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Publisher | ProQuest Information and Learning | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Series Title | In Focus | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Series Details | 22.12.03 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Publication Date | 15/12/2003 | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Content Type | News, Overview, Topic Guide | In Focus | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
A European Security Strategy was adopted on 12 December 2003, at a meeting of the European Council in Brussels. The strategy 'will enable the European Union to better deal with the threats and global challenges and realise the opportunities facing us. An active, capable and more coherent European Union would make an impact on a global scale. In doing so, it would contribute to an effective multilateral system leading to a fairer, safer and more united world.' The strategy identifies three key threats to the EU: terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and failed states and the organised crime associated with them. It then proposes that these threats should be addressing by: promoting stability and good governance amongst the Union's immediate neighbours; building an international order based on effective multilateralism; tackling threats, whether old or new. The meeting also adopted a strategy against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), and reaffirmed the Union's commitment to NATO, the United Nations and the United States. Background Referred to variously as 'Security doctrine', 'Security pact' and 'European Security Strategy', the initiative was given the go-ahead earlier in the year. The Union's High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy, Javier Solana, was asked by an informal meeting of Foreign Affairs Ministers in Kastellorizo (Rhodes) in May, to produce a security doctrine for the Union. The request followed disagreements between Member States and between the EU and US over the Iraq crisis. It was believed by some that because 'the US only respects military power ... the EU will always be its junior partner unless it becomes a military power itself' (European Voice, 30.04.03: Developing a security policy which would include the possibility of using force - particularly against weapons of mass destruction - was seen as a way for the EU to show America that Europe has a legitimate claim to be consulted on issues of international security. Although he opposed the war in Iraq, Germany's Foreign Minister, Joschka Fischer, supported the development of an EU security doctrine, saying 'It was time for this to happen' (Financial Times, 03.05.03: George Papandreou, the Foreign Minister of Greece - which at that time held the EU Presidency - was reported to have told EU Foreign Ministers that 'the US was never going to take Europe seriously as long as it lacked military strength, refused to identify its interests and had no clear stance on weapons of mass destruction' (Financial Times, 05.05.03: However, concerns were expressed that any common security strategy would have to cater for the lowest common denominator and would thus risk being 'a vague set of generalities' which would 'fall short of being a security doctrine comparable to that of the United States. We should have no illusions: it will talk about threat assessment, about nuclear weapons and international control regimes. But it will fail to provide for a coherent EU answer to those threats' (European Voice, 08.05.03: Nevertheless, Mr Solana pressed on with his task and was able to brief Ministers at the External Relations Council on 16 June, prior to presenting a paper to the European Council, Thessaloniki, 19-20 June 2003 a few days later. At that meeting, leaders invited him to 'further examine our security challenges, in close cooperation with Member States and the Commission' and to submit 'an EU Security Strategy' to the General Affairs Council, in time for adoption at the December 2003 European Council. The paper presented at Thessaloniki was entitled 'A secure Europe in a better world'. It starts by acknowledging the United States' military dominance, but warns that 'no single country is able to tackle today's complex problems entirely on its own.' The Union's role as a global actor means that it 'should be ready to share in the responsibility for global security.' 'Large-scale aggression against any Member State is now improbable', it continues. 'Instead Europe faces new threats which are more diverse, less visible and less predictable.' Three key threats are identified: terrorism; the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction ('the single most important threat to peace and security among nations'); and failed states and the associated organised crime (Somalia, Liberia and Afghanistan are cited as 'the best known recent examples'). To combat these threats, the 'Solana paper' sets three strategic objectives for the EU. First, promoting stability and good governance amongst the Union's immediate neighbours: 'Neighbours who are engaged in violent conflict, weak states where organised crime flourishes, dysfunctional societies or exploding population growth on its borders all pose problems for Europe.' Enlargement of the Union is seen as simultaneously increasing the Union's security and bringing Europe 'closer to troubled areas'. This first heading also encompasses the Arab/Israeli conflict, the resolution of which is stated to be 'a strategic priority for Europe'. The second objective is to 'build an international order based on effective multilateralism', with an emphasis on the role of the UN: 'Strengthening the United Nations, equipping it to fulfil its responsibilities and to act effectively, must be a European priority.' In what might be regarded as a new, 'hard line', the paper states in this context that 'If we want international organisations, regimes and treaties to be effective in confronting threats to international peace and security we should be ready to act when their rules are broken.' The paper is unequivocal in its support for the UN Charter, calling it the 'fundamental framework for international relations'. However, in what might be considered a message to the US, it stresses the significance of the UN not only in combating the threats of WMD and terrorism, but also in fighting global warming (the US has opted out of the Kyoto Protocol on climate change) and in promoting justice via the International Criminal Court (which the US has also opted out of). Objective number three is to 'tackle the threats, new and old.' Until relatively recently, defence policies were based on the threat of invasion; the Solana paper clearly states that from now on 'the first line of defence will often be abroad', arguing that the EU must 'develop a strategic culture that fosters early, rapid, and when necessary, robust intervention.' The paper met with mixed reviews. The new doctrine was seen 'to align European policy more closely with that of the current US administration' (BBC News Online, 20.06.03: EU hardens foreign policy). The Financial Times characterised the attitudes of current and future members of the EU: 'Gerhard Schröder, the German chancellor, embraced the doctrine because of Berlin's strong support for multilateral institutions; President Jacques Chirac of France did so because it spelt out how countries, including the US, could not act alone and expect to be effective. The 10 candidate countries, the majority of which are former communist countries and are more pro-Atlanticist than some of the 15 member states, openly welcomed the doctrine because of the explicit support for the US and Nato.' ( Ahead of the first EU-US Summit since the Iraq conflict, US diplomats were quoted as saying that the Union's new security doctrine and policy on WMD 'marked a 'new realism' in transatlantic relations' (Financial Times, 24.06.03: Echoing the BBC's comment that the paper seemed to be moving the EU towards the US stance, European Voice observed that 'On the surface, it appears the Solana paper marks a tectonic shift by embracing (at least partially) the concept of “pre-emptive engagement”. George W. Bush employed a similar concept - pre-emptive strikes - to justify the war against Iraq.' (26.06.03: Considering the context in which the document had been drawn up, with EU Member States publicly disagreeing about how to deal with the Iraq crisis, the Financial Times presented the agreement on the Solana paper as 'a triumph of hope over experience' (27.06.03: Participants at the At a meeting hosted by the European Policy Centre on 17 July, a colleague of Mr Solana said that 'A secure Europe in a better world' had a dual purpose: to assist the Union's internal policy-making and to provide a negotiating instrument, particularly with the US, Russia and China. 'Conflict prevention starts upstream, with diplomatic, economic, environmental and commercial means. The use of military power is not necessarily the answer, but we had to accept that the use of force was no longer a taboo' (22.07.03: The European Security Strategy). As requested, Mr Solana made a further presentation based on 'A secure Europe in a better world' to the External Relations Council on 17 November. The European Security Strategy at the Brussels European Council The Presidency Conclusions issued after the Brussels European Council on 12 December devoted part of section V ('External relations') to the Security Strategy. The Strategy was said to reaffirm the Union's 'common determination to face our responsibility for guaranteeing a secure Europe in a better world. It will enable the European Union to better deal with the threats and global challenges and realise the opportunities facing us.' The incoming Irish Presidency was invited to 'present concrete proposals for the implementation of the European security strategy', covering issues such as promoting effective multilateralism (focusing primarily on support for the United Nations), fighting terrorism, and developing strategies for both the Middle East and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Javier Solana was asked to put forward proposals for developing the Union's relations with NATO, based on a paper entitled 'European defence: NATO/EU consultation, planning and operations'. The EU will initially develop a 'cell' of some 30 staff within Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe (SHAPE - NATO's headquarters at Mons). With reference to other security-related issues, leaders also adopted the strategy against the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and endorsed both the most recent regular report on the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) and the Irish Presidency's Work Programme. Annexed to the Conclusions was a 'European Council Declaration on Transatlantic Relations', which states that 'The transatlantic relationship is irreplaceable. The EU remains fully committed to a constructive, balanced and forward-looking partnership with our transatlantic partners. Acting together, the EU and its transatlantic partners can be a formidable force for good in the world.' The Declaration also confirms the importance of the Union's relations with NATO as 'an important expression' of that partnership. The news that the EU will be setting up its own military planning unit at SHAPE will, said the Financial Times, enable the Union to stage its own operations, independent of NATO, and although the numbers involved are small, 'the principle has now been established to allow Europe to develop a stronger military identity' (11.12.03: EU's big three in deal over defence). NATO's Secretary-General, Lord Robertson, welcomed the EU initiative, saying: 'These proposals confirm that the EU will only consider undertaking operations where NATO as a whole has decided not to be engaged, and make clear that there will be no duplication of NATO's standing operational planning capabilities ... NATO countries needed to know that the fundamentals of ESDP would not change, that there would be no permanent EU operational planning staff, and that the new EU arrangements would be fully transparent. These proposals provide all of that ...' (11.12.03: Press Statement from NATO Secretary General). In the view of the Financial Times, it was the British Prime Minister, Tony Blair, who finally persuaded a skeptical America that the Union's move would not undermine NATO, although the same report also aired the views of French and German officials who believe the 'modest cell' at SHAPE 'is the beginning of creating a stronger EU defence identity distinct from Nato' (12.12.03: White House yields to EU military plans). Further information within European Sources Online European Sources Online: Topic Guides
European Sources Online: In Focus
European Sources Online: European Voice
European Sources Online: Financial Times
Further information can be seen in these external links: EU Institutions Italian Presidency
European Commission DG Press and Communication
Press releases
European Union @ United Nations
Council of the European Union
Press releases
Other organisations NATO
Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE)
United Nations
Think tanks European Policy Centre Media organisations BBC
Eric Davies Background and reporting on the week's main stories in the European Union and the wider Europe. |
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
| Subject Categories | Politics and International Relations, Security and Defence | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
