Professional parliamentarian

Date: 20/02/1997

HE IS an almost classic example of poacher turned gamekeeper.

In the early 1980s, Julian Priestley, an energetic chairman of the staff committee, led a successful strike by European parliamentary officials. It disrupted a plenary session and was severely frowned on by the institution's hierarchy.

In less than two weeks' time, Priestley will become the Parliament's youngest-ever secretary-general, responsible for ensuring the institution runs as smoothly as possible.

It has been a remarkable rise to the top for the 46-year-old official, but one which has surprised few who know him well. Priestley has an uncanny ability to negotiate potential political pitfalls successfully and lead from the front.

At university, he was president of the Oxford Union, chairman of the Labour Club and heavily involved in the Oxford section of the Young European Federalists. He has twice stood as a Labour candidate in his native Plymouth in UK general elections - in 1974 and again nine years later when he challenged the former leading Social Democratic politician and ex-British Foreign Secretary David Owen.

His second foray into the political arena - when the UK Labour Party was committed to leaving the EU - was an interesting political gesture from a former leader of the Young European Federalists.

Earlier, Priestley had played a leading role in the all-party youth campaign in the UK to ensure that the country voted 'yes' to continued Union membership in the 1975 referendum, sharing a platform at a major rally in London's Trafalgar Square with former Conservative Premier Ted Heath and future European Commission President Roy Jenkins.

“His ability as a speaker is second to none. He is an extraordinarily able orator in English and French, and his ability to mobilise people is worthy of the best or worst of the trade union tradition, depending on your point of view,” observes one colleague.

But despite his Labour past, Priestley has no difficulty in fulfilling the role of an impartial European civil servant and working with MEPs from across the political spectrum.

One who has had a great influence on him is French centre-right politician Michel Poniatowski.

“It was an extraordinary partnership between the two when Poniatowski was chairman of the energy and research committee. Personal chemistry overrode any possible political differences. Previously, the committee had been a backwater. Under their influence it came really to the fore,” remembers one official.

Priestley's big break came in 1989 when he moved from the Parliament's secretariat to become secretary-general of the Socialist Group. His appointment coincided with the arrival of French MEP Jean-Pierre Cot, with whom Priestley had earlier worked effectively on budgetary issues, as group leader.

The tandem appointment was a carefully constructed deal which only went ahead after winning the support of leading French and British politicians such as François Mitterrand, Michel Rocard, Laurent Fabius and Neil Kinnock.

“I remember that Julian was on a driving holiday in Norway at the time and was told in no uncertain terms that if he wanted the job, he would have to cut short his travels and attend a bureau meeting of European Socialists in Paris. He went to Paris,” recalls a close colleague.

The new team immediately set about revitalising the Socialist Group, which was punching well below its weight in the Parliament and had largely failed to adapt to the changes ushered in by direct elections and the Single European Act.

“The man is a reformer. Priestley brought a fresher, more open style. Between them, he and Cot provided proper direction from the top. He made the service far more professional and set targets. He is a great one for drawing lessons from events and there used to be post-mortems after group and plenary meetings. There was a dramatic change in our fortunes and suddenly we started to win votes in the debating chamber,” relates one official.

That five-year period demonstrated the same skills which Priestley brought to his later post as chef de cabinet and right-hand man to Parliament President Klaus Hänsch.

“Part of the reason for his success is his own leadership. He is good at inspiring and motivating people, and at delegating work. He has this ability to convey to people that what they are doing is worthwhile and they are prepared to put themselves out,” explains a colleague.

As Priestley's skills began to make themselves felt in the Socialist Group, his chances of eventually taking over the top parliamentary post increased.

As far back as 1991, his predecessor Enrico Vinci confided to the then Parliament President Enrique

Barón Crespo that Priestley appeared to be his likeliest successor.

When his appointment was finally confirmed by senior MEPs last month, it was unanimous. Nominated by Hänsch, Priestley was seconded by senior Christian Democrat Vice-President Georgios Anastassopoulos.

Officials and MEPs who have worked closely with Priestley over the years pay tribute to his ability to construct an imaginatively balanced team of advisers, inspire a strong feeling of loyalty among those around him and avoid favouring any group over another.

About the only question mark raised over Priestley's elevation is the fact that his whole professional career since the tender age of 23 has been within the confines of the European Parliament.

“He certainly represents a new generation in the Parliament. But not having worked anywhere else, how well does he know the outside world and how will he cope with ensuring the Parliament adapts to the changing environment?” wonders one observer.

But such doubts cut little ice with those who point to his ability to survive in the rough and tumble of politics, and to the variety of work he has packed into his parliamentary career.

“He has worked in the parliamentary secretariat, in a political group, in the president's cabinet and been chairman of the staff committee. He led a successful strike and worked with Dutch Socialist MEP Piet Dankert when he persuaded the Parliament to use its only real powers and reject the Union budget in 1979. It is an incredible combination,” says one MEP.

The incoming secretary-general is not without enemies and some accuse him of being devious. But as one veteran MEP notes sanguinely: “You do not get to the top of this pole at the age of 46 without being fairly ruthless. But there is no doubt that he is extremely able and possibly the most scandalous thing you can say about him is that he smokes.”

For many, Priestley is the consummate parliamentary professional, but one not afraid to inject a sense of humour into his daily duties. When he inadvertently sent an internal memo in French to an English-speaking colleague, he received a reply in Portuguese and promptly responded in Danish. “The exchange ended when I sent back a note in Albanian,” recalls the recipient.

Priestley very determinedly keeps his private life separate and while parliamentary duties dominate his waking hours, they do not totally rule out other activities.

Despite having lived in Luxembourg and Brussels for almost 25 years, he still keeps in close contact with his family in Plymouth in the south west of England. An avid golfer, Priestley recently bought a property in southern Spain so that he could pursue his passion under warm, blue skies.

Earlier this year, Socialist MEP John Tomlinson sent him an advance copy of his draft report on the problems facing the transit system in the Union, along with a book on the Professional Golfers' Association European tour.

“He told me he was sure the first was a more important document, but that he felt he might be tempted to open the second first,” notes the British Euro MP.

Potentially, the new secretary-general could stay in his post for 20 years, although insiders believe that ten years is a more likely spell before he seeks new challenges.

As Priestley prepares for the future, one of the Parliament's most senior MEPs predicted this week: “I think he will be a very good secretary-general and he has the capacity to be a great one.”