Moving forward with the support of our citizens

Date: 26/10/1995

By Poul Schlüter

HOW can we, at one and the same time, strengthen cooperation between the EU member states and render the Union more democratic and more legitimate in the eyes of our citizens?

This fundamental question is currently being addressed by the members of the Reflection Group and will, without any doubt, be at the very centre of the deliberations during next year's Intergovernmental Conference (IGC) on the review of the Maastricht Treaty.

There are many good reasons why the binomial 'efficiency-legitimacy' is now, more than ever, being focused upon in the current debate on Europe's future.

First of all, the debate on the Maastricht Treaty revealed a widespread scepticism towards the EU and its institutions in all member states, although to varying degrees. At the same time, the European Union seemed to lose its momentum against the sombre background of economic recession and widespread unemployment.

In order to cope with the confidence crisis through which the EU is presently passing, we shall have to identify the roots of the so-called 'Euro-scepticism' which is rather a complex phenomenon.

It is, to some extent, a symptom of the difficult economic and social conditions facing large segments of the European population. It also stems, however, from an amalgam of misunderstandings of some Community issues and the fear of many Europeans that their country may somehow lose too much of its national sovereignty and identity as a consequence of further integration. Yet most Europeans still believe in the need for close cooperation in Europe.

What our fellow citizens generally dislike is the idea of centralism and bureaucracy and the feeling that too many decisions are taken in distant places. This, however, does not in itself imply a swing away from the European idea.

On the other hand, a majority of our populations have already made it quite clear that although they are ready to accept close and even far-reaching cooperation in Europe, they do not want it to result in the creation of a 'United States of Europe' along the lines of the North American model.

In the US, an enormous number of ethnic groups and a variety of nationalities and cultural traditions are brought together in a melting-pot.

In Europe, people still feel they are national citizens rooted in their own nation. We must respect this feeling, while demonstrating to our citizens the need for and the benefits of joint action in a complex world, characterised by a high degree of political and economic interdependence.

Therefore, it must be made quite clear that all member states need our Community. No member state can do without the deepening and the strengthening of the Community at which the Maastricht Treaty is aiming. None of the European nations, not even the stronger ones, can overcome the economic, industrial and monetary problems we are facing on their own.

Hence there is a need to ensure that the purpose of the decisions we take at European level is properly understood. In order to reach this goal, we shall have to proceed along two lines of action - at the European level and at the level of member states.

At the European level, the IGC should bring about a thorough overhaul of the all-too complex decision-making procedures and produce a single, clear and concise document that consolidates the existing treaties. The opacity of some of the existing treaty provisions has all too often been skilfully exploited by populist demagogues in order to stir up fears and anti-European feelings. These provisions should be redrafted and a considerable number of outdated articles should be deleted.

Moreover, given the need to take the interests of both the larger and smaller member states into account and in order not to weaken the legitimacy of the European institutions, we must stick to the principle of equal status for each country, ensuring that all member states are involved in the European decision-making process at all levels and on an equal footing.

Although institutional reforms may contribute considerably to rendering the decision-making process more open and more understandable, a whole series of changes are also needed at the level of member states if we want to solve the problem of legitimacy in the context of European integration.

First of all, we must alter the conditions under which the debate on Europe takes place in member states. It should no longer be allowed to take place on narrow, national premises. MEPs, as well as members of national governments, must all do their best to keep the debate on Europe's future in a broader perspective.

Secondly, the need for all important measures that are taken at the European level must be proven and better demonstrated to the public at large. In this context, the national parliaments of the member states have a crucial role to play as decentralised fora where far-reaching decisions of the Union can be discussed and the reasons for their adoption be publicly set out.

In the third place, national politicians must demonstrate more credibility when it comes to European affairs. European cooperation is rarely a prominent issue in the run-up to national elections. Indeed, many politicians choose to argue as if all problems could be solved at the national level. This contributes to weakening people's understanding of the complex issues to be addressed at the European level.

Finally, it is absolutely essential that EU member states comply with their obligations and contribute actively to ensure tangible results of European cooperation.

The fact that some Community decisions, once adopted, are not put into effect in all member states has quite understandably stirred up anger and aroused opposition to the EU among our citizens. Hence the need for consistent, credible and reliable conduct in political quarters.

Many observers have pointed out that the Achilles' heel of European cooperation remains the lack of a 'European identity. I rather doubt that one can create or generate such an identity in any artificial way. It cannot be done just by issuing a decree.

Yet considerable progress towards a better understanding and hence a stronger feeling of mutual solidarity and affinity among our populations can be obtained through the cooperation process as such and, as described above, through an improved dialogue between the politicians and their electorate on European issues.

Poul Schlüter was Denmark's Prime Minister from 1982 to 1993 (Conservative Party). He is now a Euro MP and Vice-President of the European Parliament.