From the economy to freedom and justice: Greece unveils its plan

Date: 19/12/02

The Greeks take over the EU rotating presidency on 1 January, 2003. David Cronin analyses the challenges the country has set itself during its six-month spell at the Union's helm

A SWALLOW flying skywards has been chosen as the emblem of Greece's EU presidency. The young artist who designed the logo, Pavlos Xenikoudakis, says it is a symbol of rebirth.

The motif could hardly be more fitting as Athens plans to usher in a new era for Europe over the next six months, ending many of the divisions of the past.

Yet realising that grandiose vision will require much attention to prosaic realities. The scope for taking siestas (or long lunches) will be limited if the Greeks are to make tangible progress on the four objectives they have set themselves.

Driving the EU forward

The Union's eastward enlargement will naturally be the primary focus.

From early January, the Greeks will begin preparing a voluminous accession treaty.

It is due to be signed by Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia and Slovenia in Athens on 16 April.

Yet the blueprint for expansion will have to be prepared well before then as the Greeks have promised to provide the European Parliament with ample time to draft its opinion on the treaty.

Moreover, the Greeks will have to lead preparations for the EU-membership ambitions of their historical foe, Turkey.

Surprisingly, the government of Costas Simitis has been one of the most vocal advocates of Ankara's entry in recent months. "To deny Turkey a European future on the grounds of religion is to deny the existing diversity in Europe," George Papandreou, the Greek foreign minister, said recently.

In concrete terms, they must propose how much pre-accession aid Turkey should receive - last week's Copenhagen summit agreed this funding should be provided from 2004.

Greece is also eager to give a strong Balkan dimension to enlargement. Croatia is due to apply for EU membership in January and there are suggestions that other states from the former Yugoslavia could follow.

The EU's relationship with the western Balkans will be one of the key items discussed by the Union's leaders at June's summit in Thessaloniki.

And, of course, the work of the Convention on the future of the EU will have a considerable impact on the presidency. The forum's chairman, Valéry Giscard d'Estaing, has been asked to present a paper outlining options for the distribution of power between the EU's main institutions in time for the Brussels' summit in March. Vigorous debate on its contents - possibly with big states ganging up against smaller ones - seems inevitable.

Reinvigorating Europe's economy

Romano Prodi famously dubbed the EU's Stability and Growth Pact as "stupid" because of the strait-jacket it places around member states' budgets. But Greece's EU Ambassador Aristides Agathocles said this week that his country - which itself had to jump through hoops to get into the eurozone - has a "firm commitment" to the pact. He added that its "rules are there to stay for the time being".

Nevertheless, Greece isn't ignoring the outburst from the European Commission chief and has promised to examine the pact's implementation and lead a debate about it.

To the chagrin of Eurosceptics, Greece wants discussions too on how greater economic coordination between member states can be achieved. Denmark's outgoing EU presidency failed to broker an agreement on EU-wide energy and savings taxes at the Council of Ministers. Greece is hoping for better luck and that deals on these taxes can be hammered out in January.

A Spring-time ritual has developed among EU leaders over the past few years; it requires them to chant a cumbersome mantra about turning the Union into the world's most dynamic and competitive economy by 2010. The Greeks will be chairing plenty of talks about the so-called "Lisbon agenda". They hope to examine how the EU's economic guidelines can be streamlined with social policy - particularly on how the Union's pro-employment and anti-poverty strategies can be reformed.

Developing an area of freedom, security and justice

The success of far-right politicians in the French and Dutch elections has catapulted migration issues high onto the EU's agenda.

Yet Agathocles has candidly admitted that the EU is "not moving forward in an orderly way" on how its external borders should be managed, even though there is broad agreement among its 15 countries that there should be a common policy.

The ambassador said that his government wishes to promote ideas about how the Union can have a "border that is secure, where we know who's crossing it and why".

The Union is likely to incur the wrath of civil liberties groups as it grapples with ideas floated by the Commission about using EU funds to forcibly return unsuccessful asylum applicants.

Not surprisingly, the fight against terrorism looks set to be the other big question in the justice and home affairs domain.

Efforts to secure greater EU-US police and judicial cooperation are due to continue but progress could well be hindered by disagreements over political hot potatoes such as the death penalty.

Promoting stability in the world

The outcome of the 28 January Israeli elections could have a major bearing on the EU's efforts to resuscitate the Middle East peace process.

Greece is eager to promote economic development across the Mediterranean region but it is acutely aware that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has thwarted previous efforts. Its officials say, however, that they are determined to do whatever they can to give a boost to the region as a whole.

Another unenviable task faced by Athens will be on improving EU-Russia relations. These were ruptured during the Danish presidency because Moscow was incensed that Denmark refused to ban a conference of Chechen separatists in Copenhagen. Human rights groups have urged the EU to protest vigorously at Vladimir Putin's storm-trooper tactics in Chechnya.

But the Greeks are indicating they wish to heal the rift with Putin - so they may shy away from any confrontation over the breakaway republic.

Greek diplomats will also be carefully studying a forthcoming Commission paper, expected to be called "Wider Europe".

It is due to set out plans for managing EU relations with those countries due to become the Union's neighbours after enlargement - Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova. Border questions will probably loom large in these discussions, yet some Greeks are considering the possibility of having a free-trade agreement with the three countries.

The foreign policy focus on the "near abroad" will almost certainly be to the detriment of Africa, Asia and Latin America. Yet the Greeks have indicated they wish to bolster links with the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) bloc. This won't be without difficulty as EU-ACP relations have deteriorated due to the Union's efforts to ostracise Robert Mugabe's oppressive regime in Zimbabwe.

Major feature on the Greek Presidency of the EU, January-June 2003, analysing the challenges the country has set itself during its six-month spell at the European Union's helm.

http://www.eu2003.gr/en/cat/0/index.asp? http://www.eu2003.gr/en/cat/0/

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