| Author (Person) | Cronin, David |
|---|---|
| Series Title | European Voice |
| Series Details | Vol.8, No.46, 19.12.02, p15-17 |
| Publication Date | 19/12/2002 |
| Content Type | News |
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Date: 19/12/02 By THE Iron Curtain was ripped to shreds in Copenhagen. Until now the term "European Union" has been something of a misnomer; its 15 states belong only to the western and prosperous part of a continent stretching from the Atlantic to the Urals. Last weekend was the first time that the EU genuinely embraced Europe by confronting the divisions of the 20th century. To describe the invitation for EU membership issued to ten mostly ex-Communist countries as Europe's most crucial event since the collapse of the Berlin Wall would be no exaggeration. As Tony Blair put it, though words like "historic, dramatic and extraordinary" are too often over-used or misused, they had a genuine meaning at the summit. At Copenhagen the world's most populous trading bloc sought to heal wounds that have festered for decades. Even more important, perhaps, were the signals sent to Turkey that Islam and Christianity should be able to coexist peacefully. Yet the sense of history about the summit was dissipated somewhat due to confusion over what had been agreed and haggling over cash. Denmark's premier Anders Fogh Rasmussen might have a reputation as a straight talker but his remarks about Turkey's EU ambitions on the summit's first night (12 December) lacked clarity. Insiders say only Blair and Italy's Silvio Berlusconi argued strongly that Ankara should be given a firm date to begin EU accession talks when the Union's leaders discussed the matter over dinner. The consensus was that Turkey's human rights record remained wanting and that - under any objective analysis - it was not yet meeting the aptly-named Copenhagen criteria, the political conditions for joining the EU. While the other leaders believed a message of encouragement should be sent to the reform-minded new government in Ankara, they concluded it could not be granted an unconditional offer without a breakthrough on Cyprus or a debate over EU access to NATO assets. Strong criticism was also voiced over Washington's lobbying on Turkey's behalf, particularly by French President Jacques Chirac; this was perceived as unwarranted meddling in the Union's affairs. A well-placed source has confirmed that Rasmussen - normally a strong defender of the US - was deeply irked by the pressure applied by the Bush administration. Rasmussen eventually surfaced after midnight to address the press corps. His declaration that the EU would start talks with Turkey if the European Commission gave a positive assessment of its reforms in late 2004 was met by shouts of "when"? The best he could come up with was "as soon as possible". The absence of anything firmer was quickly interpreted as a setback for Turkey on news bulletins. But other senior EU figures were keen to stress that the opposite was the case. Danish Foreign Minister Per Stig-Moller promised on Friday afternoon (13 December) that Turkey would be invited to start accession talks "between one day and six months" after the EU summit scheduled for December 2004, provided the Commission's analysis was complimentary. His German counterpart Joschka Fischer argued that Turkey had been given a fixed date for negotiations and that the decision taken by EU leaders was a "tremendous step forward". But Turkish premier Abdullah Gül made plain his disappointment that demands for Turkey to start negotiations next year weren't accepted. He said that both Chirac and Gerhard Schröder had assured him the decision nonetheless constituted progress for Turkey. "We explained our position to them and said we don't want to see any new criteria on the table," added Gül. "They accepted all these things and said at least we accept negotiations will start with Turkey." Gül spent much of Friday trying to convince EU leaders to commit themselves to immediately launching talks with Turkey should the Commission's 2004 report be satisfactory. In the end, though, both he and the EU-15 endorsed a German suggestion that the final summit declaration would offer talks "without delay" in such a case. They also offered reassurances that none of the ten countries due to enter the Union in 2004 would try to block Turkish membership by containing that undertaking in the so-called "One Europe" document. That was signed by 25 governments - comprising both current and prospective member states. In return, the Turks agreed to lift their objections to the Union's 60,000-strong rapid reaction force using NATO's military hardware. Ankara had previously harboured fears a "Euro-army" could be deployed in Cyprus but now decided it would remove the barrier it had placed in the way of the force becoming operational. This was EU politics being played out at 150kph. Nevertheless, if a spaceship arrived in Copenhagen last weekend, its occupants could be forgiven for thinking that Europe equals subsidies and milk quotas. For symbolic reasons, Poland was determined to wrap up its EU entry bid on 13 December - exactly 21 years since martial law was imposed on the country. In psychiatric terms, it was trying to achieve closure with its traumatic past. Although hailing from an urban background, Prime Minister Leszek Miller was deeply conscious that his country's huge farming community could make its membership efforts unravel. Furthermore, the agrarian Peasant's Party was making thinly veiled threats about leaving the ruling coalition if it felt Poland was joining the Union on unfavourable terms. As bellies started rumbling at Friday teatime, the Visegrad Four countries - Poland, Slovakia, the Czech Republic and Hungary - were alone among the ten prospective states in not yet concluding their talks on the final EU entry terms. The Poles were driving the hardest bargain in the tortuous negotiations, which concluded in farcical circumstances. Once word emerged that Miller was calling a press conference, the makeshift studio where it was due to take place became dangerously over-packed with reporters. One camera team even tried to set up its equipment on the ply-wood roof, before thankfully thinking better of it. Miller had the perfect chance to assume a statesmanlike posture - and blew it. Even though he had a large entourage with him, nobody volunteered to translate the most important announcement of his political career from Polish. History played second fiddle to parochialism. Things got even more ridiculous moments later when Europe Minister Danuta Hübner attempted to brief journalists on the financial aspects of the deal. Unfortunately, she had no facts and figures. She conceded that the package did not involve much "new money" but had mainly involved reshuffling sums already pledged so that it could be used earlier. She agreed there was a risk that groups hostile to Poland's integration drive would seize on the lack of fresh funds obtained at Copenhagen to lambast Miller in the referendum on EU membership due next year. But she promised that the government will run an energetic campaign to ensure the referendum's success. The division of the tiny island of Cyprus was the other piquant topic at the summit. Considerable efforts were made to foster a reunification accord between the two main Cypriot communities - Denmark even made the headquarters of its foreign ministry available for UN-sponsored talks due to run simultaneously to the summit. However, no substantive negotiations took place, with the result that the EU had to keep its 1999 promise to invite Cyprus to join while its territorial dispute stays unresolved. The Turkish Cypriot representative Tahsin Ertugruloglu - a foreign minister for the so-called Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus - made clear to UN officials there that he did not have a negotiating mandate from Rauf Denktash, his control-freak president. Efforts by the international community and Ankara to break the impasse over Cyprus have been held hostage to Denktash's health recently as he has received surgery and treatment in the US and Turkey over heart and lung complaints. The 78-year-old leader has been unprepared to delegate responsibility for discussing a UN plan on sharing the island between Greek and Turkish Cypriots to his political lieutenants. The Greek Cypriots in Copenhagen did not conceal their frustration with Denktash. The chief negotiator with the EU, George Vasiliou, claimed that Denktash wishes to maintain the status quo, instead of working towards a solution. It would seem that Denktash no longer speaks for a large section of his erstwhile supporters. There has been much clamour in recent days in Cyprus' Turkish enclave for the leader to accept the UN-proposed solution of running the island as a confederation of two states based on the Swiss and Belgian models. Some street protestors in the Nicosia's Muslim quarters have gone so far as to call for Denktash's resignation. And it's conceivable those calls will get louder as 28 February 2003 draws nearer. Both Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders have set that date as their target for reaching a settlement. The Union's future is now very much in the hands of the 75 million people standing on the threshold of EU citizenship. Nerves will surely jangle among EU-enthusiasts as the referenda due next spring and summer in the ten states hoping to enter the EU in 2004 approach. The Norwegian example - it voted against EU entry in 1994 - might well be repeated in some cases. It's still early days but opinion polls do not indicate that enlargement enjoys enormous support from the people of the countries concerned. In Estonia, for example, just 37% of voters say they will endorse the country's accession treaty. The corresponding figure for Malta is 47% and Poland 61%. No sooner had the summit ended than opposition parties were sniping at governments. Vaclav Klaus, the former Czech prime minister, argued that his country should have achieved a more lucrative deal. A similar view about Hungary's package was expressed by Viktor Orbán, the country's centre-right prime minister until earlier this year. If enlargement does win popular backing next year, it appears inevitable that more countries - for example, those of the western Balkans - will join the queue for EU membership. EU foreign ministers in Copenhagen also discussed how to bridge closer links with Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova - all of which are due to become the Union's neighbours. Yet there is no enthusiasm among the current EU-15 for actually having those states in the fold - especially as the administrations in Kyiv and Minsk have only a tenuous relationship with democracy and the rule of law. Then, of course, there is Romania and Bulgaria. While these two countries are bidding to join the Union in 2007, they were largely overlooked in Copenhagen as most eyes focused on Turkey, Cyprus and Poland. Yet securing their entry will be vital if it can be proven that the reunification of Europe is an unstoppable process, in which a continent will finally exorcise the demons of the Cold War. Major feature on the European Council, Copenhagen, 12-13 December 2002. |
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