Can European parties tackle democratic deficit?

Date: 08/05/03

The role played by political parties is a crucial factor in the evolution of European democracy, argues Dana Spinant

THE debate on how to tackle the European Union's "democratic deficit" has focused so far almost entirely on the EU's institutions and neglected a crucial element of any democratic system: the political party.

Some members of the Convention on Europe's future are in favour of an EU President elected directly by citizens or their representatives, as in the United States.

Others, perhaps more realistically, want MEPs to elect the European Commission president. But the present lack of genuine pan-European political parties might undermine both options.

Are the present five European "political families" embryos of what will one day become supranational political parties? Or is their destiny to remain merely umbrella associations?

Answering these questions is crucial in order to assess how European democracy will evolve.

Wilfried Martens, president of the European People's Party, argues: "The present political parties will be genuine European parties only when they are able to nominate a candidate for the presidency of the European Commission."

The majority of parties represented in the European Parliament have campaigned for the assembly to elect the Commission president. Giving the Parliament this power would, they say, increase its public profile - especially at election time, as the make-up of the assembly would inevitably have a bearing on who wins the vote to become Commission president. Thus, the citizen would have an indirect say over who would be the new boss at the Berlaymont.

Under plans put forward by the Convention's steering committee, the praesidium, the European Council would still make the first move, by proposing a candidate for the top job at the Commission. However, it would do so "taking into account the result of the European elections". According to Martens - described by one Socialist MEP "as the father of European political parties" - this would guarantee increased visibility for the parties and their role in the Union.

The contribution of political parties to European integration has been significant. The euro, for example, was presented as a Christian Democrat/Conservative project: Martens points out that eight of the 12 European Council leaders who negotiated monetary union in the early 1990s were EPP members.

The European parties have gradually gained political and legal recognition. The 1993 Maastricht Treaty introduced the first reference to them - proposed by Martens, who was at the time Belgian premier and EPP president: "Political parties at European level are important as a factor for integration within the Union. They contribute to forming a European awareness and to expressing the political will of the citizens of the Union" (Article 138 A).

However, the vague wording of this article provided no legal basis for adopting laws on a statute for European political parties or for their financing.

The Nice Treaty, which entered into force on 1 February this year, added an important paragraph: "The Council, acting in accordance with the procedure referred to in Article 251, shall lay down the regulations governing political parties at European level and in particular the rules governing their funding".

This paves the way for the adoption of clear rules on the functioning of European parties and allows them to end their financial dependence on the political groups in the Parliament. In February, the Commission tabled a draft regulation on the financing of European parties, which is currently being studied by MEPs.

Martens believes there are two conditions for a party to be genuinely European or supranational. First, major policy decisions at the party's congress must be taken by majority voting, instead of unanimity which allows each national party member to have a veto. Second, the party must have a political programme.

The EPP introduced majority voting in the early 1990s - a radical reform, in Martens' view, which allowed it to function as a transnational party. It was consequently able to adopt a common position on the future of the EU, at its Estoril Congress in Portugal last October.

The second largest European political family, the Party of European Socialists (PES), still takes major policy decisions by unanimity. This explains, says Martens, why they could not present a common position on EU reforms. However, since their last congress in Berlin in 2001, the Socialists have elected their chairman (at present Robin Cook, a former UK foreign minister) by majority voting.

German Socialist MEP Jo Leinen believes that, at present, all European parties are umbrella organisations. He admits, however, that "the EPP is far ahead of the others". He suggests that the Socialists are being held back by the British and Scandinavians who are opposed to supranational changes.

Leinen believes it is more difficult for "old parties" to become genuinely European, while younger parties would find it easier to develop supranational structures.

The European Greens, for example, have announced their ambition to become a supranational party. At their meeting in Malta at the weekend (2-5 May), the Greens pledged to form a "European Green party" that would run a "common campaign for the European elections in 2004".

This could include a common political platform, a single communication design, and a common action programme.

In this analysis the author argues that the role played by political parties is a crucial factor in the evolution of European democracy.