Building bridges across the Bosporus

Date: 10/12/1998

The European Commission's new representative to Turkey talks to Gabriel Bullen about the EU's strategy towards the region

KAREN Fogg's arrival in Ankara as the European Commission's representative to Turkey in July was certainly timely.

It has been an important year for the Anatolian republic as the Turkish people celebrated the 75th anniversary of the establishment of the republic by Kamal Atatürk and witnessed the collapse just last week of the government of Mesut Yilmaz.

As well as recalling nostalgic memories of the leader himself, who rid the land of colonial powers, the Turks were also keen to celebrate his vision of a self-reliant, proud and secular state - less of a melting pot and more of a salad bowl where the ingredients meet but do not mix.

Today the country is as varied as it has always been; a home to the descendants of ancient Turkic tribes and sects as well as the mobile phone-toting shopaholics of Ankara. The inhabitants of Turkey certainly seem proud, and they know why. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, their country has dropped its imposed role of a Cold War pawn and now stands up for itself.

The bolt of the fugitive Kurdish leader, Abdullah Ocalan from his hideaway after intense pressure on Syria, and the subsequent chase via Moscow to Italy, have been followed with keen interest in Turkey.

This year has also seen an enormous change in the relationship between the EU and Turkey, incorporating perhaps its lowest point ever as well as a recent high. When EU leaders met in Luxembourg last December to decide on a list of applicant countries to the Union, Turkey was excluded from the list.

"This was seen as the final judgement and rejection of Turkey," says Fogg, who adds that it led to a steady unravelling of diplomatic relations.

"That bitterness has penetrated society here, but they are wrong. Nobody must have the impression that the EU's foreign policy is fixed."

In other words, Turkey's status could change at any time.

But the Union's efforts to persuade the Turkish press of this have so far failed. It is sceptical of the European adventure and its inherent compromises. The EU only makes the headlines when it is shown in conflict with Ankara - the Ocalan affair being a perfect example.

He would be a prize catch for Turkey, and one for which it is evidently willing to jeopardise the recent improvements in relations with the Union.

The Union wants Turkey to reinforce its democratic credibility. But, from where Fogg is standing, the credibility question cuts both ways.

At the moment, the EU's strategy towards Turkey rests on three pillars: a customs union, financial support for reform, and a regular report ordered by the Union's summit in Cardiff in June.

"This is something that happened in Cardiff which wasn't noticed at the time," says Fogg.

The customs union is proving its worth and some financial support has come through the EU's MEDA programme. This provides funding for a wide range of projects from vocational training to the environment, small businesses, development, health and the creation of a 'civic society'.

However, these do not add up to what has been offered to the candidates from eastern and central Europe.

TAIEX provides technical assistance, SIGMA helps with public administration reform and a twinning device has been created through which experts from the ministries of the EU member states work in their counterpart institutions. "There are many other programmes on offer to eastern Europe," says Fogg.

To get noticed, she believes, Turkey must lobby. "Even modern-day Turks don't have the reflex of networking," she says. "Even those in regular contact with Brussels are surprisingly isolated. I see this as one of my main tasks for the next few years - to help the Turks to network."

This feeling of isolation is compounded by the meetings held between EU governments and the candidates for accession. The continuation of these meetings between the Union and the 11 candidates infuriates Turkey, which argues that it undermines the EU's claim that it is giving equal treatment to Ankara's bid for membership.

This credibility question has led to a stand-off. On the one hand, Turkey wants recognition before making huge reform efforts while, on the other, the EU wants progress to be made before upgrading Turkey's status. Worse still, it is playing into the hands of the Eurosceptics in Ankara.

The third pillar - the regular report - is, in the ambassador's words, "the uncomfortable embrace".

The first report, which was published last month, congratulated Turkey on its burgeoning economy but came down hard on the military's persistent grip on civilian politics as well as corruption, the country's record on human rights and its treatment of minorities.

"The other candidate countries have been through similar criticism from Brussels before, so this year it was less of a shock for them," points out Fogg, who adds: "Not only should it be easier for Ankara to take next year, it should also prove a useful tool for those who want to accelerate reform in Turkey".

Whether or not they see EU membership as their final goal, reformers have already set the ball rolling. However, they have their work cut out for them; popular sentiment in Turkey rejects many of the report's criticisms.

The reference to minorities highlights the Kurdish problem. This a very complicated - and domestic - issue for Turks, who believe that to make concessions to the Kurds would undermine the very nature of the republic. Similarly, Europe stands accused of sending mixed messages on terrorism - most recently over the Ocalan affair.

On human rights in general, Fogg is hesitantly upbeat. "There is definitely within Turkey not just discussion on human rights issues but more and more people in authority speaking out for changes, notably Justice Minister Hasan Denizkurdu and the chairman of the parliamentary committee on human rights Sema Piskinsüt," she says.

They are struggling against sluggishness in the national parliament, whose members seem more interested in mutual recriminations and in-fighting.

A prime target for action is the torture and maltreatment of prisoners. For Fogg, this is not a question for legal reform. "There is no need for changes to the law because mistreatment is not authorised here," she insists.

"There are police retraining programmes, efforts to develop stigma attached to mistreatment, shorten the length of preventative custody and the time before which the lawyer is called. They are trying to remove the occasions when most torture takes place, and find sanctions on mistreatment which can be efficiently applied."

The grip which the army maintains on politics shows no sign of weakening. It sees itself as the guardian of the secular nature of the Atatürk republic.

As recently as 1980, the army stepped in to remove the government, which it believed had lost control of the country. The EU report laments the "absence of civil control" over the military; a situation which could no longer be tolerated if Turkey were to become a member of the Union.

"We hope the military will read the report," says Fogg. "On the question of developing and consolidating civil control on the military, we hope there is at least some beginning of a strategy to ensure it can happen in the medium term. Really what the Commission is looking for are signs that progress is being made. The political body has to assume its responsibilities."

In short, the Turkish authorities must change if they are to satisfy European demands but this cannot be their main reason for doing so, according to Fogg. "Turkey must reform in its own interest or it won't reform," she says.

Interview with the European Commission's new representative to Turkey, Karen Fogg.