Author (Person) | Watson, Rory |
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Series Title | European Voice |
Series Details | 1.7.99, p11 |
Publication Date | 01/07/1999 |
Content Type | News |
Date: 01/07/1999 By Rory Watson For the past two years, Helsinki has been working hard to develop a strategy for the EU's 'northern dimension'. The Finns see a comprehensive approach towards Russia, the Baltic states and Norway as the natural fourth side of the EU square which looks west towards the US, south to the Mediterranean and east towards central Europe, and insist that it would not detract from any of these other special relationships. "The northern dimension has been a missing concept. By increasing stability in the north, in the Baltic Sea and Barents regions, the Union can in future also be stronger in the south in addressing the challenges of that region." explains Finland's ambassador for the northern dimension Peter Stenlund. The strategy of developing an overall policy for the EU's northern flank has been endorsed by Union leaders, both at last December's Vienna summit and in Cologne earlier this month. The new priority of stabilising and rebuilding the Balkans may have stolen some of the impetus from the Finnish plan, but it will still be an integral part of its presidency programme. In November, the government will host a foreign ministers' conference in Finland at which EU countries and those in the target region will try to agree on concrete aspects of the strategy. Securing the long-term stability and diversification of the Union's energy supplies is one of the major objectives behind the concept of a northern dimension. As the EU's needs increase, these cannot be fully met by supplies from Norway and Alaska. But on the Union's doorstep are north west Russia's huge gas reserves which can be tapped once new pipelines are put in place. Investigations into the feasibility of using these resources are now under way and their results will feature prominently on the agenda of EU energy ministers when they meet in Helsinki in October. Environmental concerns are another factor driving the search for a coor-dinated Union strategy in the area. Within striking distance of the EU's eastern border are eight Russian and two Lithuanian nuclear power stations as well as some 150 nuclear submarines, of which about half have been decommissioned. According to Stenlund, "the operational risks at the power plants present a serious threat to the population in large areas of Europe". The European Commission has also highlighted spent nuclear fuel and operational waste from submarines and ice-breakers as key causes for concern. Russia's vast reservoir of raw materials is another attraction for the Union. In addition to minerals and the huge forestry resources, Finland sees a mutual advantage for the EU and Moscow in working together to exploit this wealth in an environmentally friendly way which will not increase pollution in the region. That cooperation, say the Finns, can also be extended to transport and trade. With 40% of its exports - including half of its overseas sales of oil - handled by ports in the Baltic states, Russia is highly dependent on transit routes and harbours outside its control. By giving a higher priority to economic interdependence and the development of telecommunication networks, the Union can ensure wider benefits for all countries in the region. From Helsinki's point of view, there are also strong public order grounds for cooperating more closely with its large eastern neighbour. Since the demise of the Soviet Union, the long Finnish border has become Russia's strategic gateway to the West. Harmonisation of customs controls and training for Russian officials ensures that people and goods flow relatively smoothly between the two countries. But increasingly authorities on both sides of the border are having to make common cause in the fight against illegal trafficking in drugs, nuclear material, illegal migration, organised crime and money laundering. |
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Countries / Regions | Northern Europe |