Made in Taiwan: a democracy threatened by China, ‘ignored’ by the Union

Author (Person)
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Series Details Vol.8, No.43, 28.11.02, p14-15
Publication Date 28/11/2002
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Date: 28/11/02

By Peter Chapman

The people of Taiwan believe it is time that Chris Patten and his colleagues took their democracy more seriously. One way to do so would be to start supporting the island's membership of the United Nations.

IF CHRIS Patten ever visits Taiwan, he would be guaranteed an imperial welcome and be awarded full diplomatic honours.

But the handful of Taiwan's political elite, gathered at the plush Ambassador Hotel in the capital city Taipei for a lunch with visiting foreign journalists, admit the EU's globetrotting external relations officer, is unlikely to do so. (Not even to cut the ribbon at the opening of a small Commission office - due to be launched in the Taiwan capital next month)

Instead, to many of the 22.55 million Taiwanese, it appears that Patten and the EU are turning their back on their democratic little isle's claims for international recognition in favour of 'kow-towing' to China's communist leadership.

In fear of upsetting Beijing and losing access to potentially the world's biggest market, they are following a 'one-China policy'.

Unfortunately for the citizens of Taiwan - officially known as the Republic of China - it's the much larger People's Republic of China that counts.

Most of the top ranks of civil servants and ministers in this intensely polite society refuse to name names when it comes to identifying their 'public enemy No 1' in Brussels.

But a few blocks away at the island's heavily guarded National Security Council, Antonio Chiang, deputy secretary-general, is happy to do so.

He told European Voice that Chris Patten has sold out to Beijing.

'Patten is no good. I am so disappointed by his performance for the EU. When he was [British] governor of Hong Kong he was good. He created some new [democratic] systems, but now he is working for the EU maybe he has changed his opinions about Asia.

'What he says now is very different to when he was in Hong Kong. He was always talking about freedom of the press he made China so angry.

'There he struggled to uphold freedom of the democratic system but now I think he forgot about it.

'If he kept the same kind of spirit of what he was doing in Hong Kong, then perceptions of this part of the world would be different. Maybe now he is a politician again.'

The reason for this anger?

Taiwan, the EU's third-largest trading partner in Asia and fully democratic, sees itself as a guiding light in the region.

But its efforts to gain international recognition befitting its achievements, primarily a coveted seat at the United Nations and membership of bodies covering aviation to health are constantly blocked. The 'one-China policy' means the mainland, and not Taiwan, invariably gets the seat.

The island, which lies just 160 kilometres from the Chinese coast, was even barred from taking part in anti-terrorist discussions in the wake of the 11 September attacks.

This was patently unfair, says Bi-khim Hsiao, a female member of the Taiwanese parliament in President Chen Shui-bian's ruling Democratic Progressive Party.

'We have maybe the most free society in Asia. We have the highest levels of women in politics - 22% - with women making up a quarter of the cabinet. That is higher than the US.

'For Asia, where there is the Confucian culture, this is important People here cherish the democracy.'

That doesn't mean the EU is expected to denounce China overnight, says Hsiao, a friend of European Parliament Liberal group leader Graham Watson - one of Taiwan's key political allies in the EU.

'Realistically speaking, they (the EU) have practical economic concerns everyone wants to make high-speed railways, so no one wants to offend China. I don't think European nations are worried about China's leverage at the UN.

'But we have asked the European governments 'if you are not willing to offend China [by actively supporting Taiwan's membership of the UN], then please do not oppose Taiwan's participation'.'

A recent resolution by the European Parliament, calling for a strengthening of political ties with the democratic governments in the region, made a big impact.

'We hope this will in time be translated into actual policy on the part of European governments to increase ties with Taiwan and be more supportive,' says Hsiao.

'It is time Europeans look at what Taiwan really represents in Asia. If this is the direction that you want politics in Asia to develop in, then you should be supporting Taiwan.

'If you want China to be a rational, democratic country then you should be supporting Taiwan. We have proved that the model - that Asia is not compatible with democracy - is not true.'

Taiwan and the People's Republic of China have been at daggers-drawn since 1949, when Chiang Kai-shek's nationalists - known as the Kuomintang or KMT - retreated to the island they named the Republic of China after being ousted by Communists on the mainland.

For years the KMT pledged to retake the People's Republic but, meanwhile, engineered an economic miracle that turned Taiwan from a basket case into a hi-tech economic powerhouse, making everything from lap-top computers to the world's most advanced Christmas tree lights - although street trading is very much still a part of life.

Martial law was ended in 1987, an elected parliament was set up in 1992, and the 'nation' voted for increasingly pro-independence presidents - Lee Teng-hui in 1996 and Chen Shui-bian in 2000 - despite constant threats from the mainland that any declaration of independence would mean war.

Security supremo Chiang said he quit newspaper publishing and joined the government security forces after China fired a silo-full of missiles towards Taipei's 2.64 million people in March 1996, in a bid to persuade voters to reject reforming President Teng-hui when he sought re-election.

The missiles were meant to, and did, land in the sea just short of the capital. But, says Chiang, the Taiwanese still voted for Teng-hui. 'That was the day of reckoning for me. That is when I thought maybe I have to work for the security.'

Today experts say that more than 400 missiles are pointing south from China, although few expect an imminent attack from the mainland. But Chiang and Hsiao say the threat of a strike in one shape or form cannot be dismissed lightly.

'It is more likely to be 'unconventional warfare,' says Hsiao. That could mean electronic warfare, computer hacking, or computer viruses to 'paralyse our economic and financial order'.

'The Chinese goal, in trying to threaten Taiwan, is not to have a military occupation - but to threaten us enough so that we will go their way,' she adds.

Although the US formally recognises mainland China, it has always been willing to stand up for Taiwan.

US aircraft carriers have helped keep the peace across the Taiwan straits for more than 50 years. But everyone believes greater international recognition would help ward off the threat from Beijing.

Breaking the freeze against Taiwan could also help it procure the weapons it needs to defend itself.

US firms are currently the only ones who dare sell their state-of-the-art military hardware to the Republic.

Taiwan could be a lucrative market for EU defence firms, which so far refuse to sell their products there. For example, the island is keen to buy Dutch or German diesel submarines to help it patrol its waters. The US only makes nuclear subs and Taiwan is committed to an anti-nuclear policy.

Big civilian contracts might also follow a loosening of arms sales.

In the meantime, however, says Hsiao, can anyone blame Taiwan for buying goods from suppliers in the US?

Boeing recently succeeded in convincing the island's main carrier, China Airways, to reverse a decision to update its fleet with EU-built Airbus planes.

US pressure is 'not always justified' Hsiao admits, 'but, in reality, if you look at the situation, the US is the only country to help us defend ourselves. I say maybe we should buy some Airbus but maybe [also] some Boeings'.

Today, despite their Cold War-style face-off, politicians on both sides of the Taiwan straits appear unwilling to undermine the status quo.

Most talk of independence has been tactfully put to one side for the leaders of tomorrow to sort out.

The pressing issue is sorting out the air, trade and postal links that business and citizens on both sides need.

That is not easy, since radar screens in both Taiwan and China are apparently unable to distinguish between a jet laden with passengers and a bomber, given that a plane taking off from the mainland can be in Taiwan airspace in five minutes, and vice-versa.

Reunification one day, too, is an option that cannot be ruled out.

But, says Antonio Chiang, not on the terms currently on offer from Beijing.

'How can you be forced to join this big China that is like a 900-pound gorilla? It comes to your house and says it is your lover and wants to sleep in your bed.

'Our view of marriage is different. We have to be attracted to each other, we have to go out together and we have to fall in love.

'Only then will we live together and go to the church.'

Major feature on the EU's relationship with Taiwan.

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